Spain has shown relative resistance to the rising far-right tide, and it is currently one of Europe’s only left-wing governed countries. Historically, attempts to create relevant far-right parties in Spain have been unsuccessful, though in the last decade the far-right party Vox has risen to become the third or fourth force in the Spanish party system.
Vox’s populist stance is primarily built on the defence of traditional values and Spanish national identity, and opposition to all forms of regional autonomy. However, even at a time when it has the potential to enter national government by propping up a coalition with the conservative People’s Party (PP), its approach has been unconventional.
The 2023 regional elections brought PP-Vox coalitions to power in 6 of the country’s 17 regional parliaments, but Vox made headlines when it quit all of these positions in July last year. Their alleged motive: the PP’s decision to support the central government in bringing 400 unaccompanied minors from the Canary Islands to the mainland.
While this may seem disproportionate, it forms part of Vox’s wider strategy to split the right and establish their own voter base to the right of the PP.
There are three elements that explain why Spain’s extreme right has taken so long to enter the political mainstream, and why, unlike many of its European counterparts, Vox has not, as yet, been able to enter national government in Spain.
Political structures created space for Vox
Until just a few years ago, the PP was able to integrate the far right into its ranks. Supporters of the most conservative positions in Spanish politics were contained within this party, with only fringe parties to their right.
However, the momentum of Europe’s far right, coupled with the conflict over Catalan independence reaching a crescendo in 2017, created the perfect conditions for a Spanish far-right party to emerge beyond the confines of the PP. First came the political space, and Vox expanded to fill it – the party itself had existed since 2014, when it was formed by dissatisfied members of the (then ruling) PP.
Social attitudes: EU and immigration
In the social sphere, two particularities differentiate Spain from its neighbouring countries. These are closely tied to the main ideological channels of the European far right.
The first of these is Spain’s strong pro-European sentiment. Unlike other countries in northern and central Europe, Spain had a hard time joining the European Union, and has benefited greatly from it. According to the latest Eurobarometer, Spain is among the five countries with the highest pro-EU sentiment in the bloc.
Vox, however, has shown somewhat Euro-sceptic attitudes. It opposes the EU and its institutions, but also casts itself as a defender of “European nations and their citizens”. It seeks to “defend the primacy of the [Spanish] Constitution over European law”, and has even flirted with the idea of “Spexit” in the past.
The other peculiarity is migration. Spain has not, until relatively recently, been a destination for many migrants, nor has it suffered the same migratory pressure as other countries.
In the last two decades, Spain has been more of a transit country to reach Europe, especially for migrants from North Africa, meaning immigration has not been a longstanding concern for Spaniards. However, this is changing, and immigration has become one of the main concerns for Spaniards in recent years.
Although research does not highlight immigration as a primary reason for Vox’s electoral support, this may change in the near future. Anti-immigrant political discourse suits the political narrative of far-right parties, as it creates an us-them dynamic that polarises the electorate.
There is little mainstream anti-immigration sentiment in Spain, but the far right is doing its utmost to create it. The difference is that in Spain this sentiment is linked more to questions of security and national identity than labour shortages or economic concerns, as is the case in other countries.
Political competition: the PP is a foe, not a friend
Vox’s current strategy involves distancing and differentiating itself from the PP, which was why it exited all its local government pacts last summer. This means that, in terms of eyeing up a national coalition, neither the PP nor Vox are actively seeking to work with one another.
Each party courts a different electorate. To win an election, the PP will need to woo voters from the ruling centre-left PSOE, meaning it has to keep (or be seen to keep) the far right at arm’s length. Vox, for its part, cannot move too close to the PP’s positions or it will cede votes to them.
This split means both parties have to distance themselves from one another so they can welcome more voters. In this sense, the recent Patriots for Europe summit in Madrid was nothing more than a public presentation for Vox in a space shared with other far-right European entities. It was also a great ceremony for Vox’s leader, Santiago Abascal, to rescue himself from the margins and from dependence on the PP – it grants him his own political life, his own space, and his own partners who already govern other countries.
Spain’s regional parties – which are especially strong in Catalonia and the Basque Country, two of Spain’s wealthiest regions – also hold great power on the national stage. Regional right-wing parties, such as the Catalan nationalist Junts per Catalunya, even include aspects of the extreme right. Its hyper-nationalism makes Junts even more nativist than Vox, and it aspires to have greater influence over decisions on migration and immigration policy in Catalonia.
Building bridges with Europe
The Spanish far right is at home among its European counterparts. They share a populist rhetoric and a narrative charged with negative emotions towards the “other”. Their aim is to stoke the electorate’s fears and engender feelings of anxiety and aversion towards anything considered different or strange.
The Spanish and European far right is, above all else, a polarising, emotional right, which uses its fiery rhetoric to generate new divisions in society. Spain’s political and social idiosyncrasies have kept it at bay for now, but there is no telling what the future holds.
Este artículo fue publicado originalmente en The Conversation, un sitio de noticias sin fines de lucro dedicado a compartir ideas de expertos académicos.
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Erika Jaráiz Gulías no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.
